The Supreme Court is set to hear a new case, Hamm v. Smith, which tests whether the current Republican majority wants to retain its limits on capital punishment for people with intellectual disabilities. In 2002, the court ruled that executing offenders with intellectual disabilities was unconstitutional in Atkins v. Virginia. Now, nearly three decades later, the court will consider how to determine if someone is intellectually disabled.
The most likely outcome of this case is a decision giving states more leeway to execute people with marginal claims that they are intellectually disabled - "borderline" cases where clinicians might disagree on whether the offender should be diagnosed with an intellectual disability. However, some members of the court have signaled that they would like to go much further.
In Bucklew v. Precythe (2019), five Republican justices seemed to endorse a radical reshaping of the court's approach to the Eighth Amendment, which prohibits "cruel and unusual punishments." Justice Neil Gorsuch's majority opinion ignored the traditional framework of evaluating cruel and unusual punishments as evolving standards of decency, instead suggesting that courts must ask whether a particular punishment had fallen out of favor by the time of the founding.
This approach would likely lead to the court overruling past decisions holding that the Constitution forbids excessive punishments for relatively minor crimes. For example, jaywalkers, small-time drug offenders, or drivers who do not come to a complete stop at a "STOP" sign could all be sentenced to life in prison.
It is unclear whether a majority of the court will adopt this radical approach, but it is very likely that the Eighth Amendment will emerge smaller from the court's decision in Hamm. This could diminish the legal protections against bizarre or excessive punishments that all Americans enjoy.
The court's right flank has criticized Atkins from the day it was decided, and now controls six seats on the nine-justice court. The death row inmate at the heart of Hamm's claim is genuinely marginal, making it likely that the court will decide in his favor without having to reach very far.
The specific issue before the court in Hamm is whether Joseph Clifton Smith can be executed for a 1997 robbery and murder despite claiming he has an intellectual disability. Smith took five IQ tests, scoring between 72 and 78 on those tests, but courts hearing his claims have determined that he is intellectually disabled based on significant deficits in social and intellectual skills.
The court's decision will likely turn on the tension within its current decisions applying Atkins. On one hand, while Atkins did hold that executing intellectually disabled offenders is unconstitutional, it gave states a fair amount of leeway in how they implement this holding. On the other hand, recent decisions have insisted that states must follow clinical standards when determining which offenders are intellectually disabled.
In Bucklew, Gorsuch took a much more radical approach, suggesting that courts should ask whether a particular punishment had fallen out of favor by the time of the founding. This approach would likely lead to the court overruling past decisions and permitting very steep penalties for very small crimes.
It is unclear how the justices will resolve this case, but it could potentially revolutionize the court's approach to the Eighth Amendment. It may not have five votes to adopt this radical approach, but at least some members of the Bucklew majority may have joined Gorsuch's opinion because they agreed with the result, while still harboring some qualms about his broader theory.
The most likely outcome of this case is a decision giving states more leeway to execute people with marginal claims that they are intellectually disabled - "borderline" cases where clinicians might disagree on whether the offender should be diagnosed with an intellectual disability. However, some members of the court have signaled that they would like to go much further.
In Bucklew v. Precythe (2019), five Republican justices seemed to endorse a radical reshaping of the court's approach to the Eighth Amendment, which prohibits "cruel and unusual punishments." Justice Neil Gorsuch's majority opinion ignored the traditional framework of evaluating cruel and unusual punishments as evolving standards of decency, instead suggesting that courts must ask whether a particular punishment had fallen out of favor by the time of the founding.
This approach would likely lead to the court overruling past decisions holding that the Constitution forbids excessive punishments for relatively minor crimes. For example, jaywalkers, small-time drug offenders, or drivers who do not come to a complete stop at a "STOP" sign could all be sentenced to life in prison.
It is unclear whether a majority of the court will adopt this radical approach, but it is very likely that the Eighth Amendment will emerge smaller from the court's decision in Hamm. This could diminish the legal protections against bizarre or excessive punishments that all Americans enjoy.
The court's right flank has criticized Atkins from the day it was decided, and now controls six seats on the nine-justice court. The death row inmate at the heart of Hamm's claim is genuinely marginal, making it likely that the court will decide in his favor without having to reach very far.
The specific issue before the court in Hamm is whether Joseph Clifton Smith can be executed for a 1997 robbery and murder despite claiming he has an intellectual disability. Smith took five IQ tests, scoring between 72 and 78 on those tests, but courts hearing his claims have determined that he is intellectually disabled based on significant deficits in social and intellectual skills.
The court's decision will likely turn on the tension within its current decisions applying Atkins. On one hand, while Atkins did hold that executing intellectually disabled offenders is unconstitutional, it gave states a fair amount of leeway in how they implement this holding. On the other hand, recent decisions have insisted that states must follow clinical standards when determining which offenders are intellectually disabled.
In Bucklew, Gorsuch took a much more radical approach, suggesting that courts should ask whether a particular punishment had fallen out of favor by the time of the founding. This approach would likely lead to the court overruling past decisions and permitting very steep penalties for very small crimes.
It is unclear how the justices will resolve this case, but it could potentially revolutionize the court's approach to the Eighth Amendment. It may not have five votes to adopt this radical approach, but at least some members of the Bucklew majority may have joined Gorsuch's opinion because they agreed with the result, while still harboring some qualms about his broader theory.