The Trump administration's relentless assault on America's foundations of democracy has taken a disturbing new turn. One year into its second term, the pattern is unmistakable. Executive orders, agency memos, funding decisions, and enforcement changes have cumulatively weakened federal civil rights law, pushing the country further away from its promise of racial inclusivity.
The United States was never built to include everyone equally. The Constitution protected and promoted slavery, most states limited voting to white men, and Congress restricted naturalized citizenship to "free white persons." These choices were not accidents; they shaped who could belong and exercise power, entrenching a racial majority that lasted for generations.
But in the 1960s, decades of protest and pressure led Congress to enact laws prohibiting discrimination in employment, education, voting, immigration, and housing. Federal agencies enforced these laws, collecting data to identify disparities and conditioning public funds on compliance. These changes reshaped U.S. demographics and institutions, with today's Congress being the most racially and ethnically diverse in history.
The first year of Trump's second term represents a sharp reversal. Rather than repealing civil rights statutes outright, the administration has focused on disabling mechanisms that make those laws work. Over two decades of teaching and writing about civil rights have shown me this pattern reflects not isolated actions but a cumulative retreat from the federal government's role as an enforcer of civil rights law.
The past year has seen a series of connected actions: shutting down or cutting funding for programs aimed at reducing inequality, warning schools that diversity programs could jeopardize their funding, revoking security clearances and access to federal buildings for employees with diversity policies, labeling common best practices in hiring and admissions as potentially legally suspect, and eliminating data used to track inequality.
These shifts have practical consequences. When agencies stop collecting data on racial disparities, discrimination becomes harder to detect. Disparate impact analysis is abandoned, leaving unfair practices unchallenged. Diversity programs are chilled through investigations and funding threats, causing institutions to narrow opportunity. And when history and language are recast as threats to unity, truth, and freedom of speech and thought, they are suppressed.
Administration officials argue that these steps aim to prevent discrimination against white people, promote unity, ensure "colorblind equality," and comply with a Supreme Court ruling on affirmative action. However, this reasoning relies on broad claims of illegality without providing specific violations. The selective nature of enforcement is also telling, such as removing books about racism from military libraries while leaving untouched those praising Nazi ideas or claiming racial intelligence differences.
One year in, the pattern is hard to miss: the administration is not simply applying neutral rules; it is dismantling systems that once helped America move toward a more open and equal democracy. It is replacing them with policies that selectively narrow access to economic, cultural, and educational participation. The result is not just a change in policy but a fundamental shift in the trajectory of American democracy.
As I see this erosion of civil rights law, I am reminded of the importance of protecting our democratic institutions and ensuring that all citizens have equal opportunities to participate.
The United States was never built to include everyone equally. The Constitution protected and promoted slavery, most states limited voting to white men, and Congress restricted naturalized citizenship to "free white persons." These choices were not accidents; they shaped who could belong and exercise power, entrenching a racial majority that lasted for generations.
But in the 1960s, decades of protest and pressure led Congress to enact laws prohibiting discrimination in employment, education, voting, immigration, and housing. Federal agencies enforced these laws, collecting data to identify disparities and conditioning public funds on compliance. These changes reshaped U.S. demographics and institutions, with today's Congress being the most racially and ethnically diverse in history.
The first year of Trump's second term represents a sharp reversal. Rather than repealing civil rights statutes outright, the administration has focused on disabling mechanisms that make those laws work. Over two decades of teaching and writing about civil rights have shown me this pattern reflects not isolated actions but a cumulative retreat from the federal government's role as an enforcer of civil rights law.
The past year has seen a series of connected actions: shutting down or cutting funding for programs aimed at reducing inequality, warning schools that diversity programs could jeopardize their funding, revoking security clearances and access to federal buildings for employees with diversity policies, labeling common best practices in hiring and admissions as potentially legally suspect, and eliminating data used to track inequality.
These shifts have practical consequences. When agencies stop collecting data on racial disparities, discrimination becomes harder to detect. Disparate impact analysis is abandoned, leaving unfair practices unchallenged. Diversity programs are chilled through investigations and funding threats, causing institutions to narrow opportunity. And when history and language are recast as threats to unity, truth, and freedom of speech and thought, they are suppressed.
Administration officials argue that these steps aim to prevent discrimination against white people, promote unity, ensure "colorblind equality," and comply with a Supreme Court ruling on affirmative action. However, this reasoning relies on broad claims of illegality without providing specific violations. The selective nature of enforcement is also telling, such as removing books about racism from military libraries while leaving untouched those praising Nazi ideas or claiming racial intelligence differences.
One year in, the pattern is hard to miss: the administration is not simply applying neutral rules; it is dismantling systems that once helped America move toward a more open and equal democracy. It is replacing them with policies that selectively narrow access to economic, cultural, and educational participation. The result is not just a change in policy but a fundamental shift in the trajectory of American democracy.
As I see this erosion of civil rights law, I am reminded of the importance of protecting our democratic institutions and ensuring that all citizens have equal opportunities to participate.