The United States is amassing power off Venezuela's coast, with warships, Marine detachments, and surveillance aircraft flowing into the Caribbean under the banner of "counter-narcotics operations." This move comes as President Donald Trump ties Venezuelan leader Nicolรกs Maduro to narco-terror networks and cartel structures, while dangling both "talks" and threatening military force.
In an op-ed published in The New York Times, Bret Stephens argues that American intervention would be modest and calibrated, citing the law of unintended consequences. He also mentions differences between Venezuela and Iraq or Libya, including Trump's reluctance to put US boots on the ground for extended periods and the fact that we can learn from past mistakes.
However, this argument rings hollow when considering the echoes of Iraq in America's policy thinking: moral certainty, insistence on a narrow mission, stretched laws accommodating force, and the intellectual confidence that US firepower is justified but prudent and even moral. The Times leans on this posture, which casts Maduro as a stationary object that America can strike without consequence.
We've seen this choreography before. In 2002, the Washington Post assured readers that toppling Saddam Hussein would be a "cakewalk," while the New York Times in 2001 titled an article "The U.S. Must Strike at Saddam Hussein" and framed Saddam as driven by hatred intensified by a tribal culture of blood feuds.
Iraq should have been the end of innocence in American foreign-policy thinking, with its aftermath featuring insurgency, sectarian collapse, and a national debt that Americans will never pay off. The same pattern is repeating itself now.
Critics argue that US firepower cannot topple a foreign regime without creating irreversible instability. Venezuela is already in economic freefall, and any miscalculation could fracture what remains of the country's governance.
This situation requires a more critical examination by the press. What kind of wars do we expect these campaigns to become once they outlast the news cycle? What do they cost us in dollars, in decades, in the quiet bleed of national attention?
The Intercept has long covered authoritarian governments and backsliding democracies around the world. We are independent of corporate interests and rely on donations from members to continue our work.
It's not just about what we're seeing right now - it's about what's at stake. If we don't ask these questions, we'll end up asking them years later when the bills come due, and the country pretends it never saw this coming.
Critics of Trump point out that he is engaged in an authoritarian takeover of the U.S. government, ignoring court orders, putting MAGA loyalists in charge of key agencies, and stripping Congress of its power of the purse. Yet many still cover his actions like politics as usual, with flattering headlines describing him as "unconventional," "testing the boundaries," and "aggressively flexing power."
In an op-ed published in The New York Times, Bret Stephens argues that American intervention would be modest and calibrated, citing the law of unintended consequences. He also mentions differences between Venezuela and Iraq or Libya, including Trump's reluctance to put US boots on the ground for extended periods and the fact that we can learn from past mistakes.
However, this argument rings hollow when considering the echoes of Iraq in America's policy thinking: moral certainty, insistence on a narrow mission, stretched laws accommodating force, and the intellectual confidence that US firepower is justified but prudent and even moral. The Times leans on this posture, which casts Maduro as a stationary object that America can strike without consequence.
We've seen this choreography before. In 2002, the Washington Post assured readers that toppling Saddam Hussein would be a "cakewalk," while the New York Times in 2001 titled an article "The U.S. Must Strike at Saddam Hussein" and framed Saddam as driven by hatred intensified by a tribal culture of blood feuds.
Iraq should have been the end of innocence in American foreign-policy thinking, with its aftermath featuring insurgency, sectarian collapse, and a national debt that Americans will never pay off. The same pattern is repeating itself now.
Critics argue that US firepower cannot topple a foreign regime without creating irreversible instability. Venezuela is already in economic freefall, and any miscalculation could fracture what remains of the country's governance.
This situation requires a more critical examination by the press. What kind of wars do we expect these campaigns to become once they outlast the news cycle? What do they cost us in dollars, in decades, in the quiet bleed of national attention?
The Intercept has long covered authoritarian governments and backsliding democracies around the world. We are independent of corporate interests and rely on donations from members to continue our work.
It's not just about what we're seeing right now - it's about what's at stake. If we don't ask these questions, we'll end up asking them years later when the bills come due, and the country pretends it never saw this coming.
Critics of Trump point out that he is engaged in an authoritarian takeover of the U.S. government, ignoring court orders, putting MAGA loyalists in charge of key agencies, and stripping Congress of its power of the purse. Yet many still cover his actions like politics as usual, with flattering headlines describing him as "unconventional," "testing the boundaries," and "aggressively flexing power."